Wednesday, December 16, 2009

final paper: Undone by Apathy

There are many evils in the world today. People steal, murder, cheat, and perform countless other deeds which harm their fellow men. With so many terrible things that go on, it is easy to become disillusioned with the world. Yet how often we stop and really think about what the worst thing in the world is today? What is the most dangerous? Is it the foreign terrorists who could attack at any moment? Is it the drug peddlers who makes our streets unsafe? Is it the animal abusers, who start out beating their dogs and often move on to their children and spouses? Is it our own government, slowly leeching away our rights and control until we are helpless in its iron grasp? Or is there a far more insidious evil lurking in the shadows of our society, which threatens to undo us as we do nothing at all? If literature and film have taught us nothing else, it should have taught us that the biggest threat in the world is not an active one, but rather the passive apathy of a society's own citizens.

One thing which many people fear is a controlling government, which stifles freedom tot he point where the citizens don't even know that they are not free and thus don't know to rebel. The world of 1984 is terrorizing to time. As a result, many comparisons are made between Panopticism and Orwell’s 1984. I believe that these are erroneous comparisons, and these misconception is what gives Panopticism that “creepy” edge which makes people uneasy when in actuality we have little to fear. There is a fundamental difference between Michel Foucault’s Panopticism and George Orwell’s novel 1984, which is often missed and causes people to fear that that Panopticism will result in that world, when actually the ideas of Panopticism is far more likely to result in Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451. Panopticism is about openness, which in and of itself is nothing to fear... unless we stop caring and become too apathetic towards the world to watch what is happening. This is why all of those external threats are not something with which we need to fear, at least not to a greater extent then we fear our own apathy. If the world is falling apart but everyone is watching and actually cares that it is happening, then people will move forward to stop it.

In Orwell’s 1984, the people do watch each other. Like in Foucault’s imaginary prison, the common people all watch each other and are able to report on each other. They are supposedly able to see how things are run. Everyone is in control, which is imporant. “Furthermore, the arrangement of this machine is such that its enclosed nature does not preclude a permanent presence from the outside: we have seen that anyone may come and exercise in the central tower the functions of surveillance, and that, this being the case, he can gain a clear idea of the way in which the surveillance is practised” (Foucault). It is not enough for everyone to be watched, but everyone must be able to see that they are watched. They must be able to watch the watchers. This is true transparency, sometimes which cam be extremely beneficial and should be strived for in the world.

Yet in 1984, there is not the true transparency which I believe was present in Foucault’s imagined world. This lack is very important. No one is watching the watchers in 1984. No one knows what is going on, no one knows what the Inner Party is doing. In Foucault’s world, everyone is watching everyone. In Foucault’s vision “the exercise of power may be supervised by society as a whole”. We can all see how the schools are taught. We can all see how the prisons are run. In contrast, no one knows what happens in 1984’s Ministry of Love except for the prisoners and the jailors within it! The transparency of society is a mere illusion, a front to keep the Outer Party watching each other and nothing else so that those who are in control may remain in control. The citizens are all watching each other, reporting on each other, and so they feel as though they know what is going on. They have constant news coming out at them, the paper is released daily and their telescreens infiltrate every aspect of their lives. As a result, they feel as though they must be connected. This is a dangerous error, and one which our own world is constantly making. We think that we are connected to the world through the Internet, the radio, the television, the newspapers. We imagine that we must surely know what is going on, and we are often stunned and appalled when some sort of crime or abuse is able to slip past us. How is it even possible? After all, 81% of all households in the United States has a computer (Leichtman Research Group). We shouldn't be so shocked. The mere presence of technology does not guarantee knowledge. Just because we have computers and televisions in near every home doesn't mean that people will get the right information. Windows do not mean anything unless they are actually able to give you a view of the world.

The world of 1984 lacks transparency. No one can see what is truly going on, and this is the problem. Their windows look out into brick walls. This is a completely contradiction of Foucault’s ideas,. Thu, following his principles would be unlikely to result in the world of Orwell’s 1984. Mandatory openness does not result in that type of domination, so fearing it is senseless. It is far more likely that Panopticism would result in the world which is presented in Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451. Panopticism is dependent upon citizens having control. It is they who watch each other, who are the keepers, who are the watchers. Of course, sometimes this can cross the line from helpful into dangerous. It is this type of control which is represented in Fahrenheit 451. It is outright stated that people being oversensitive and overreacting to everything is what led to books being banned. People watched each other, they watched too much, and they saw everything as being unsafe. They did it to themselves, because they were the ones watching and they were the ones in power.

The world which Bradbury created had this transparency which upon which Panopticism is focused. Everyone knew what happened to people who had banned books – they books and the houses were burned, and everyone knew when and how and why it happened. In Panopticism everyone would know how the prisons were run, how the guilty were punished, and this is exactly what occurs in Fahrenheit 451. Of course, Bradbury’s novel presents us with a world in which Foucault’s ideas had been distorted. Eventually, instead of watching each other, they grew complacent. They stopped watching anything - until their own city was bombed in a war about which they knew next to nothing. Their excessive knowledge had crossed the link until they became apathetic. They all knew what happened to the people who own books – their homes were burned, and sometimes even the people were burned along with their houses. Everyone knew, and yet no one cared.
Although Panopticism seems creepy and intrusive on the surface, in reality there is no need to fear the oppression and all-seeing eyes of Big Brother. Although someone may be watching us at any time, we would have the ability to watch our watchers. We have the ability to see what is going on. The world would not devolve into the world of 1984. This means that we are the ones that we must watch out for, however. We must be careful to not relinquish control over our own lives, and become ignorant to our emotions, our lives, and our fellow man. It was not the watchfulness of Panopticism that destroyed the world of Fahrenheit 451, but oversensitivity combined with lack of caring. So long as we continue to care, we can watch without fear. So truly, it is not the government but we must fear, but our own apathy and lack of caring.

Can we be sure that that this lack of caring exists? And if so, then from where does it spring? We can once again thank Fahrenheit 451 for giving us the clues to the answer. In part, our apathy is caused by technology. Within the world of Bradbury's novel, people are completely bound to their television screens and don't care about the world outside of it. Their precious technology means far more to them than anything else, including the people who should mean the most to them. Despite the obvious distress of her husband, who was standing right in front of her in anguish, Mildred could only think of what would happen to her precious parlor screens should the books in their home be discovered: “She thought about it. Her face grew amazed and then horrified. 'He might come and burn the house and the 'family.' That's awful!'” (Bradbury, 73). Books have been screaming to us about the dangers of misused technology. Used correctly, they can be beneficial. Even the doom-and-gloom faber of Fahrenheit 451 knew that. He lamented to Mortag that, “It's not books you need, it's some of the things that once were in books. The same things could be in the 'parlor families' today. The same infinite details and awareness could be projected through the radios and televisors, but are not” (82). This same trend is started to occur to our world today. We fail to utilize our new technologies and instead we drown in them, allowing ourselves to sink further into the sea of apathy while the life-giving air of possibilities which could save us gets further away.

Instead of using our technological advancements to better the world, we often use them to simply entertain ourselves and fill our hours. We do this even with the things which should be important. David O. Solmitz notes in his article, “The Roots of Apathy”, that “we have become a nation of observers watching with increasing enthusiasm as the sensationalism of the show intensifies”. Even things which should make a difference in the world often do nothing of the sort. Solmitz continues his critique of apathy when he turns his words to Presidential debates, griping that “Presidential debates have even become an integral part of the entertainment industry. […] How can we take politics seriously, when opposing candidates, like actors, are trained to perform in a certain way in order to appeal to the voters?” Everything is a show, and even something important like a political debate which could help us decide who runs our country is reduced to nothing more then a peacock showing off his colorful feathers. Is it any surprise that, according to Center for the Study of the American Electorate, the United States 2008 presidential election had a turnout of a mere 63% - and THIS was the highest percentage turnout since 1960?Our technology has made the selection of our politicians into entertainment, and so we watch but do not truly care.

Of course, there is still plenty to fear in 1984 which DOES apply to our world today. We must wonder, why did Winston truly lose? He knew all along that he was fated to die, he knew that he would be discovered and tortured and executed. But what he, and Julia, truly feared the most was their own emotions. At the end of the novel, Winston has not only been defeated and his wished-for revolution turned out to be a hoax, but he has become a true traitor to everything he stood for. As Winston told Julia, “"What you say or do doesn't matter; only feelings matter. If they could make me stop loving you that would be the real betrayal” (Orwell 166). By wishing for a terrible thing to happen to Julia instead of him, Winston stopped loving her (286) and both of them acknowledge that after doing such a thing, you never feel the same way about that other person (292). The same events happen in the film. The hoped-for revolution fails. The Party remains in the control. Julia and Winston have betrayed each other. There is no hope that the Party can be overthrown, as O'Brien explains to Winston (280). In the end, all hope has been lost. The film version of 1984 underscores this particular interpretation better then the novel. Both end on with the idea that there is no hope, but during the novel we are allowed to feel as though there might be hope.

To the first time experiencer, the attitude towards hope would be massively different depending upon whether one was reading the novel or viewing the film. In the book, we feel as though there is love and passion between Winston and Julia. Although the Party wishes to kill emotion, we feel life within both these characters. We know that Winston as strong feelings, we can feel them in his speech to O'Brien: “'We are enemies of the Party. We disbelieve in the principles of Ingsoc. We are thought-criminals. We are also adulterers'” (Orwell 170). One can feel the strength of his words, we feel as though Winston believes what he is saying, we have hope that such strong ideals can defeat the Party. Yet in the film version, there is no such hope. Radford presents us with a dismal world. Everything is gray and seems washed out, even the red sash which Julia removes the first time that she and Winston have sex. The characters have no passion, not even towards each other or when discussing how they want to bring down the Party. All emotion is muted, and it has the effect of sucking all hope right out of the viewer. You cannot hope that Winston may win, because he has already lost. He is already not human, he doesn't have emotion, he has already been defeated by the Party – before he even begins his revolution. This makes it difficult to connect with the characters when viewing, and thus makes the film somewhat ineffective on a commercial level, but it has the effect of underscoring the idea that there is no hope. The characters do not have real emotions, they do not care, and so they are doomed. So, too, are we doomed if we cannot manage to shake ourselves from our own apathy and DO something.

How are we so sure that this is what is needed? Because when we have hope, we feel encouraged to do something instead of simply let life happen because we feel as though we cannot influence the outcome. As Elaine Sihera explains, “it is difficult to feel involved and included if we do not feel a part of our social milieu, if we believe there is nothing in it for us and if we feel excluded from the outcomes.” If we examine it from this angle, the film version of 1984 could be seen as more accurate and meaningful by some. We do not have any hope, and we never had any, unless we have the freedom to think about the world in which we live. We have to feel connected to that world, have to able to feel ourselves influencing it. If we were to lose that, then we would lose everything. Walter Benjamin would certainly support the idea that we cannot escape our fate. In his article “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”, Benjamin explains that, “Our taverns and our metropolitan streets, our offices and furnished rooms, our railroad stations and our factories appeared to have us locked up hopelessly. Then came the film and burst this prison-world asunder by the dynamite of the tenth of a second, so that now, in the midst of its far-flung ruins and debris, we calmly and adventurously go traveling.” So long as we are closed off within our own tiny lives, as the characters of 1984 are so closed off, then we are trapped. But if we have a way of escaping that and seeing outside, then we have hope, at least according to Benjamin. Yet if we fail to use our technology to bring the world into our selves, as Benjamin preaches, then we will end up just like the characters in the novels which we classify as dystopian. And that is exactly what has started to happen in today's society, and is why we feel so apathetic in our lives.

Of course, part of using technology to prevent apathy depends on people not only using the technology properly, but also knowing HOW to use it. What do you do if you care, yet you don't know how to use the tools which would enable you to educate yourself and feel connected to the world? As Elaine Sihera explains, "there has to be something which makes it worthwhile for that person to participate. Today's world is changing so rapidly, especially older folks, there is a general air of apathy through fear and apprehension. [...] This has left those people without an anchor, feeling isolated, fearful and expendable in a morass of new technology and outdated customs." This is important to note, as Sihera herself believes that “apathy is a direct by-product of fear, disappointment and neglect” and “when we fear and feel disconnected it is easy to be apathetic”. So, if older generations feel uncertain about new technology, they cease to feel connected to the world. If this lack of connection causes them to feel as though the world is ignoring them, they become apathetic towards it. And it is this apathy which threatens to undo us.

If the older generation does not care, then what hope does the younger generation have? We are dependent upon our elders in order to achieve anything in the world. George Santayana explains that, “progress, far from consisting in change, depends on retentiveness. When change is absolute there remains no being to improve and no direction is set for possible improvement: and when experience is not retained, as among savages, infancy is perpetual. Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”. It is vital to maintain the connection to the older generation. If we allow them to become apathetic towards the world, then they will cease to be a resource for us. Even if we care, we will not be able to do anything about it because we will be caught in mistakes which we could have avoided. Eventually, the next generation will come along. By that time, we will not understand them and their technology and will be distanced from the world. And even if they have not been swallowed by apathy, we will have been. We will not be connected to them. And they will repeat our mistakes, eventually learn, and then become distanced from the following generation. An endless loop of technological advancement and repeated mistakes.

So, what is the lesson in all of this? What is the great evil which we must avoid? Simply put, it is apathy. There is no evil which we cannot conquer, but we cease to care then we will never try. Ergo, we must always continue to try. Of course, it can't really that simple. There is a corollary to the rule of caring: we must all be connected. Being connected makes us care and enables to learn from each other. If the older generation becomes disconnected from the world, ant thus apathetic towards it, then we cannot learn from its mistakes. And thus, even we care about progress, we will not be able to achieve it. So we must be careful with technology. It can be our greatest strength is used properly. If not, it is worse then useless – it is an actual impairment because it can cause disconnection and thus apathy. We must use our technology carefully. And most importantly, we must always care.



Works Cited


Benjamin, Walter. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”. Marxists Internet Archive. Web. 15 November 2009.

Bradbury, Ray. Fahrenheit 451. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. Print.

Center for the Study of the American Electorate, American University. "African-Americans, Anger, Fear and Youth Propel Turnout to Highest Level Since 1964" (PDF). Web. 10 December 2009.

Foucault, Michel. “Chapter 3: 'Panopticism'”. Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison. NY: Vintage Books, 1995. Translated from the French by Alan Sheridan, 1977. pp.195-228. Web.

Nineteen Eighty-Four. Dir. Michael Radford. 1984. Film.

Over Half of U.S. Households Subscribe to Broadband Internet”. Leichtman Research Group, Inc. Web. 10 December 2009.

Orwell, George. 1984. New York: New American Library, 1961. Print.

Santayana, George. The Life of Reason; or the Phases of Human Progress . Project Gutenberg. Web. 8 December 2009.

Sihera, Elaine. “Apathy in modern society explored”. Helium. Web. 8 December 2009.

Solmitz, David O. “The Roots of Apathy”. Local Voices Online. Web. 8 December 2009.



Friday, December 4, 2009

I'd rather be a Cyborg?




What caught my eye about Donna Haraway’s article "A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century," were two statements in particular. They are somewhat unique among most feminist literature or articles, and that is why they grabbed my attention.

“It is factually and politically wrong to assimilate all of the diverse 'moments' or 'conversations' in recent women's politics named radical feminism to MacKinnon's version” (158).

“There is nothing about teeing 'female' that naturally binds women” (155).

Most feminist literature that I have heard calls for women to unite and recognize that they are a group unto themselves, so I found it very interested (and appealing) that Haraway contests this. She argues that identity (including gender identity) is merely a psychological or social construction, and that it is erroneous to try and group all women together. In fact, she even argues that there is no “female” identity, that the idenity is “a highly complex category constructed in contested sexual scientific discourses and other social practices”. The history of grouping woman together into such an identity is inherently false. The identity does not exist, ergo you cannot place all women into this non-existent “female” identity.

I am in agreement with Haraway in this regard. Grouping all women together, even when asserting that they have rights, is erroneously because it denies them each an individual identity. This is part of why I (and other that I know) have long resisted being labeled as “feminist”. Do I believe that women should have equal rights and respect and everything else? Absolutely, and very strongly. But I hated being labeled and thrown into one big mixing pot. It didn’t feel right, and Haraway supports this point of view.

Wednesday, November 18, 2009

1984 Response Paper

Jennifer Hof
Professor Steven Wexler
English 312
18 November 2009

1984: Is There Any Hope in the World?





There is no hope. We have already lost, and once we have lost there is no way of winning again. Even when we struggle, we are not accomplishing anything and we cannot hope to overthrow the system. This is the message conveyed by the end of George Orwell's novel 1984, and Michael Radford's film version, called Nineteen Eighty-Four, follows the example of the book in this regard but in a much different way and with a much different impact on the viewer.

There is no doubt that both the book and novel versions of 1984 present us with a world that has no hope. By the end of both, Winston has not only been defeated and his wished-for revolution turned out to be a hoax, but he has become a true traitor to everything he stood for. As Winston told Julia, “"What you say or do doesn't matter; only feelings matter. If they could make me stop loving you that would be the real betrayal” (Orwell 166). By wishing for a terrible thing to happen to Julia instead of him, Winston stopped loving her (286) and both of them acknowledge that after doing such a thing, you never feel the same way about that other person (292). The same events happen in the film. The hoped-for revolution fails. The Party remains in the control. Julia and Winston have betrayed each other. There is no hope that the Party can be overthrown, as O'Brien explains to Winston (280). So the two works have have in common the fact that in the end, all hope is lost.

The two differ in one regard, however. Both end on with the idea that there is no hope, but during the novel we are allowed to feel as though there might be hope. To the first time experiencer, the attitude towards hope would be massively different depending upon whether one was reading the novel or viewing the film. In the book, we feel as though there is love and passion between Winston and Julia. Although the Party wishes to kill emotion, we feel life within both these characters. We know that Winston as strong feelings, we can feel them in his speech to O'Brien: “'We are enemies of the Party. We disbelieve in the principles of Ingsoc. We are thought-criminals. We are also adulterers'” (Orwell 170). One can feel the strength of his words, we feel as though Winston believes what he is saying, we have hope that such strong ideals can defeat the Party. Yet in the film version, there is no such hope. Radford presents us with a dismal world. Everything is gray and seems washed out, even the red sash which Julia removes the first time that she and Winston have sex. The characters have no passion, not even towards each other or when discussing how they want to bring down the Party. All emotion is muted, and it has the effect of sucking all hope right out of the viewer. You cannot hope that Winston may win, because he has already lost. He is already not human, he doesn't have emotion, he has already been defeated by the Party – before he even begins his revolution. This makes it difficult to connect with the characters when viewing, but it has the effect of underscoring the idea that there is no hope.

The film version could be seen as more accurate by some. We do not have any hope, and we never had any, unless we have the freedom to think about the world in which we live. If we were to lose that, then we would lose everything. Walter Benjamin would certainly support the idea that we cannot escape our fate. In his article “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”, Benjamin explains that, “Our taverns and our metropolitan streets, our offices and furnished rooms, our railroad stations and our factories appeared to have us locked up hopelessly. Then came the film and burst this prison-world asunder by the dynamite of the tenth of a second, so that now, in the midst of its far-flung ruins and debris, we calmly and adventurously go traveling.” So long as we are closed off within our own tiny lives, as the characters of 1984 are so closed off, then we are trapped. But if we have a way of escaping that and seeing outside, then we have hope, at least according to Benjamin.

In both the book and film versions of 1984, we are left in a world without hope. Yet the book allows us to keep some hope during the events of the story, whereas the film uses the acting and lighting of the movie to strip us of that hope so we go through the entire piece feeling hopeless. The film version, while less enjoyable since it is more difficult to identity with the characters, is perhaps the more accurate. As Benjamin points out, we DON'T have any hope so long as we remain locked in our lives. So the film version of 1984 conveys this more accurately. We must continue to be able to explore via the arts, or else there is no hope whatsoever in the world.

Works Cited

Benjamin, Walter. “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”. Marxists Internet Archive. Web. 15 November 2009.

Nineteen Eighty-Four. Dir. Michael Radford. 1984. Film.

Orwell, George. 1984. New York: New American Library, 1961. Print.


Thursday, October 29, 2009

Foucault, 1984, and Fahrenheit 451


The Fear of Foucault



A world in which someone is always watching you. It’s a bit of a creepy idea on the surface, when we think of ourselves being constantly watched. We feel as though we are being analyzed, and controlled. It’s no wonder that much of our literature focuses on the idea of the people or the government spying on the population. Many comparisons are made between Panopticism and Orwell’s 1984, but I believe that these are erroneous comparisons. This misconception is what gives Panopticism that “creepy” edge. There is a fundamental difference between Michel Foucault’s Panopticism and George Orwell’s novel 1984, which is often missed and causes people to fear that that Panopticism will result in that world, when actually the ideas of Panopticism is far more likely to result in Ray Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451.

In Orwell’s 1984, the people do watch each other. Like in Foucault’s imaginary prison, the common people all watch each other and are able to report on each other. They are also able to see how things are run. Everyone is in control:
“Furthermore, the arrangement of this machine is such that its enclosed nature does not preclude a permanent presence from the outside: we have seen that anyone may come and exercise in the central tower the functions of surveillance, and that, this being the case, he can gain a clear idea of the way in which the surveillance is practised” (Foucault).



Yet there is not the true transparency which I believe was present in Foucault’s world. No one is watching the watchers in 1984. No one knows what is going on, no one knows what the Inner Party is doing. In Foucault’s world, everyone is watching everyone. In Foucault’s vision “the exercise of power may be supervised by society as a whole”. We all see how the schools are taught how the prisons are run. In contrast, no one knows what happens in 1984’s Ministry of Love except for the people in it! The transparency of society is a mere illusion, a front to keep the Outer Party watching each other and nothing else so that those who are in control may remain in control. This is a completely contradiction of Foucault’s ideas, and thus following his principles would be unlikely to result in the world of Orwell’s 1984. Mandatory openness does not result in that type of domination.

I think it is far more likely that Panopticism would result in the world which is presented in Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451. Panopticism is dependant upon citizens having control. It is they who watch each other, who are the keepings. It is this control which resented in Fahrenheit 451. It is outright stated that people being oversensitive and overreacting to everything is what led to books being banned. People watched each other, they watched too much, and they saw everything as being unsafe. They did it to themselves, because they were the ones watching and they were the ones in power. There is transparency in the world which Bradbury wrote. Everyone knew what happened to people who had banned books – they books and the houses were burned, and everyone knew when and how and why it happened. In Panopticism everyone would know how the prisons were run, how the guilty were punished, and this is exactly what occurs in Fahrenheit 451. Of course, Bradbury’s novel presents us with a world in which Foucault’s ideas had been distorted. Eventually, instead of watching each other, they grew complacent. They stopped watching anything. Until their own city was bombed in a war of which they knew little.

Although Panopticism seems creepy and intrusive on the surface, in reality there is o need to fear the oppression and all-seeing eyes of Big Brother. Although someone may be watching us at any time, we would have the ability to watch our watchers. We have the ability to see what is going on. The world would not devolve into the world of 1984. This means that we are the ones that we must watch out for, however. We must be careful to not relinquish control over our own lives, and become ignorant to our emotions, our lives, and our fellow man. It was not the watchfulness of Panopticism that destroyed the world of Fahrenheit 451, but oversensitivity combined with lack of caring. So long as we continue to care, we can watch without fear.




Works Cited
Bradbury, Ray. Fahrenheit 451. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995. Print.
Foucault, Michel. From Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison. NY: Vintage Books, 1995. Translated from the French by Alan Sheridan, 1977. pp.195-228. Web.
Orwell, George. 1984. New York: New American Library, 1961. Print.

Wednesday, October 7, 2009

The Individual and Control: Analysis of A Clockwork Orange




The Individual and Control: Analysis of A Clockwork Orange

A Clockwork Orange presents us with a violent and dangerous criminal, Alex. But are his terrible ways really his own fault? By looking at the film and the main character through the lens of essays by Louis Althusser and Randy Martin, we are given the impression that the filmmaker believes the individual is not at fault for his actions; rather, a society which is disinterested in the individual is what produces violent citizens.

By approaching A Clockwork Orange thorough the lens of Louis Althusser’s essay “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses” we feel that although Alex is clearly a violent and immoral person, this is not his fault. Althusser points out that the individual is the creation of the state. The state must be inherently violent if it creates the conditions/situations which create violent individuals. The state, by its very nature, creates individuals like Alex: “It follows that, in order to exist, every social formation must reproduce the conditions of its production at the same time as it produces, and in order to be able to produce”.

To Althusser, schools are largely what create the persons in a modern society, “But no other Ideological State Apparatus has the obligatory (and not least, free) audience of the totality of the children in the capitalist social formation, eight hours a day for five or six days out of seven”. We certainly see how Alex’s authority figures have contributed to his behavior. In a scene with Mr. Deltoid, he chides Alex for his poor behavior but then violent hits/grabs Alex’s groin. With these as examples, it is any wonder, then, that Alex repeats these behaviors in his everyday life. That he uses sex and violence, often together? The Ludovico technique might have been an overt way for the authority to control Alex’s actions, but they had also subtly created the person who he was before the treatment as well. The society has made him the way that he is, and then brands him a criminal for it.

What should be done with criminals is a political matter, one which often generates a lot of controversy. One of the key phrases in Randy Martin’s essay, “Where Did The Future Go?” which relates to A Clockwork Orange is this: “Rather, politics, the sort brought by these imperial liberations, looks increasingly like war, and war is conducted as an exercise in managing risk.”. Both the treatment which Alex endures and the brutality he suffers at the hands of the police seem more like acts of war than anything else. Both involve violence and great discomfort to Alex. And especially the Ludovico technique is a war-like act committed in an attempt to manage risk, an attempt to control the criminal element for the supposed betterment of society. The controllers of society do not care about what they are doing to the criminal, as he does not matter.

This idea is also found in Martin’s essay, “the present incarnation of military dominance stands apart as an empire of indifference”. The men in charge are initially indifferent to Alex’s emotions. He pleads with them to not take away his ability to enjoy Beethoven, and they do not care. His distress and his desires are immaterial, all that matters is they are allowed to control his mind and turn him into a good citizen. Once he has had the treatment and is released back on the street a couple years later, they do not make sure he is integrating back into society. It is only once he nearly dies that they are forced to realize what they have done and try to make amends.

Both essays lend the idea that those in charge of society control the individual for those their purposes. Martin’s essay focuses on the lack of caring for the individual (in the film, Alex). When we consider that Althusser’s essay implies that those who control society are what made him a monster in the first place, this becomes even more horrible. First they create a violent individual, then they take away his free will and they don’t care about his individual wants,. Only once he nearly kills himself do they realize that they have done anything wrong and attempt to “un-do” their control of Alex. Of course, we know that removing the overt form of control has not truly “fixed” Alex, he is still whom society made him, which is why his final sarcastic words are so chilling: "I was cured, all right!"

Works Cited
A Clockwork Orange. Dir. Stanley Kubrick. Perf. Malcolm McDowell and Patrick Magee. 1972. DVD. Warner Home Video, 2007.
Althusser, Louis. “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses”. April 1970. Marxists Internet Archive. 6 October 2009. .
Martin, Randy. “Where Did the Future Go?” 2006. Logosjournal.6 October 2009. .

Wednesday, September 16, 2009

"Book-Film-Idea" Group Project: 1984

For my part in our group project, I decided to guide a discussion on 1984 in the world today. I was drawn to this topic after recalling an article I read a while back. The thrust of the article was that the condition of the average man is roughly the same as back in the European feudal era. Sadly, I was unable to locate the original article. I was, however, able to locate a book by Juliet Schor called The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure which dealt in the same topic and had concrete figures on the subject.

I was drawn to a few similarities between 1984 and the movie Office Space next. The main character, Peter Gibbons, is similar to Winston - he is unhappy with his life. Like Winston, Gibbons is trapped (I am reminded of the scene in which he is stuck in mind-numbing traffic, unable to escape: . Both finally achieve free time: to be happy, to experience life, to think. After thinking, both then plan to take action (which worked out better for Gibbons then for Winston).

What I will guide the class in specifically is a discussion on the effect of all this. Why does it matter how much time we spent at our jobs compared to what we used to spend? In my opinion, it matters because if we believe that things are getting better then we will not demand to work less. And when we work more, we think less and we don't act. Just remember election time - how many people do you know who didn't vote because they were tired, or were busy, or didn't have time to research the issues, or just plain forgot?

Wednesday, September 9, 2009

Who Watches the Watchmen? According to Foucault, We Do.




When we imagine a society in which we can be watched at any time, we throw a fit. Certainly such a state can only result in the complete loss of individual rights, in total fascism, in tyranny. This is certainly the case in Orwell's 1984 - the members of the party are rarely out of view of a telescreen, the screens are in their homes and at their work. They can be watched at any time without ever knowing if they are being watched or not, and those who doubt the Party at all are terrified of being caught in any tiny way by the screens.

In Foucault's work, though, he proposes that a watched society would be immune to tyranny, which I found to be an interesting concept. His reasoning is that because anyone can be the observer, they can know how things work: "any member of society will have the right to come and see with his own eyes how the schools, hospitals, factories, prisons function". The watched society is completely open and thus no one person or group is capable of controlling everything.

This openess is something that we have never experimented with, and is possibly why we cannot imagine a watched society without tyranny. In 1984, the idea that any member of the party is allowed to see "the big picture" is laughable. I wonder if this is something we SHOULD investigate. We are being watched already - employers install software allowing them to "spy" on employees' computer usage, parents can track their children's movements via cell phone. The idea of letting the reverse occur seems preposterous, but you never know until you try!

As a small end note, Foucault's idea of complete openness brings to mind "Watchmen". There is a question of "who watches the watchmen" - costumed heroes are running around being vigilantes without oversight, which the public throws a fit about. As a result, the government puts a stop to non-government sanctioned costumes and most of them retire rather then become part of an agency. The comic/movie never really resolves the big question that comes to mind, though. In the end, a costume acting unsupervised kills millions, in order to prevent a war. He was NOT being observed, and took it upon himself to decide the fate of the world. In this way, he is a tyrant. And yet he did arguable save the world from destroying itself, so was he really wrong? Should he have been observed, or did an individual acting alone end up doing the greater good? Would a the world of Foucault, where people can be watched at anytime (including the watchers) really work out for the best?